Monday, February 2, 2026

Fidelity to Christ or Ideology of Power? A Catholic Response to Christian Zionism in Light of the Apostolic Churches of the Holy Land

 


Fidelity to Christ or Ideology of Power?

A Catholic Response to Christian Zionism in Light of the Apostolic Churches of the Holy Land

Introduction

I write this essay as a Catholic Christian whose faith is inseparable from the Incarnation, apostolic continuity, and the moral demands of the Gospel. Catholic theology does not allow Scripture to be abstracted from the Church that guards it, nor faith to be severed from justice. For this reason, I stand in explicit solidarity with the letter issued by the Apostolic Churches in the Holy Land, including the Greek Orthodox Patriarchate of Jerusalem, the Latin Patriarchate of Jerusalem, the Armenian Apostolic Patriarchate, the Syriac Orthodox Patriarchate, the Coptic Orthodox Church, the Ethiopian Orthodox Church, and the Melkite Greek Catholic Church.

These Churches are not recent entrants into the history of the Holy Land. They are the direct continuation of the Church founded by Jesus Christ and the apostles. They have lived, prayed, and suffered in this land continuously for nearly two thousand years. Their theological judgment on Christian Zionism therefore emerges not from theory or ideology, but from lived ecclesial memory.

The response offered by Mike Huckabee, an American political figure formed within modern evangelical Protestantism, reflects a theological framework that is historically foreign to Catholic and Orthodox Christianity and alien to the apostolic faith that originated and still survives in the Holy Land.


The Apostolic Churches Speak as Indigenous Witnesses

The letter of the Apostolic Churches grounds its authority not in political power, but in ecclesial continuity and moral clarity. It opens by asserting a responsibility rooted in lived experience:

“We speak as Churches that have existed continuously in the Holy Land since the time of Jesus Christ.”¹

This claim is not rhetorical. It reflects the Church’s understanding of apostolic succession and local witness. Lumen Gentium teaches that bishops are authentic teachers insofar as they stand in continuity with the apostles (LG 20). The Churches of Jerusalem are not external commentators on Scripture. They are among its earliest interpreters.

The letter explicitly rejects Christian Zionism as a theological system:

“Christian Zionism is a false teaching that distorts the biblical message of love, justice, and peace.”¹

As a Catholic, I recognize this language as doctrinally serious. It is not a political slogan, but a theological judgment. The Catechism insists that Scripture must never be interpreted in ways that contradict the moral law or the Gospel of love (CCC 112–114).

The Churches further insist that theology cannot be abstracted from its effects:

“Any theology that claims biblical support while justifying injustice, dispossession, or suffering of a people is incompatible with Christian teaching.”¹

This statement echoes the heart of Catholic social doctrine. Political or theological claims that produce systemic injustice cannot be reconciled with the Gospel, regardless of how many biblical citations they employ.


Biblical Fulfillment in Christ: Scripture Read Within the Church

Christian Zionism depends upon a literalist reading of Old Testament land promises detached from their fulfillment in Christ. Catholic theology rejects this approach.

The Second Vatican Council teaches that “the books of the Old Testament… acquire and show forth their full meaning in the New Testament” (Dei Verbum 16). The Catechism reiterates that the Old Covenant is fulfilled, not repeated, in Christ (CCC 121–123).

The Apostolic Churches’ letter affirms this Christological reading:

“The Bible cannot be used as a political program or to justify the denial of the rights of others.”¹

This conviction stands firmly within the patristic tradition.

St. Irenaeus of Lyons insisted that God’s promises must be read as a unified economy fulfilled in Christ, not divided into competing historical dispensations.²
Origen, writing and teaching in Palestine itself, warned explicitly against interpreting biblical inheritance in purely territorial terms, emphasizing spiritual participation in Christ instead.³
St. Augustine argued that the promises to Israel find their fulfillment in the City of God, not in any earthly nation.⁴
St. Cyril of Jerusalem, catechizing Christians in the very city at the heart of today’s dispute, proclaimed the Church as the true Jerusalem gathered from all peoples.⁵

Christian Zionism thus stands outside not only Catholic teaching, but the interpretive consensus of historic Christianity.


The Moral Test: Theology and Its Fruits

The Apostolic Churches emphasize that theology must be accountable to lived human reality. They write:

“The suffering of the Palestinian people, including Christians, is a daily reality that cannot be ignored or justified by selective readings of Scripture.”¹

Catholic moral theology affirms this principle unequivocally. Political authority loses legitimacy when it violates human dignity (CCC 1903). Gaudium et Spes rejects any identification of divine will with state power (GS 76). Pope Francis warns against religious narratives that normalize exclusion or domination (Fratelli Tutti, 25–27).

A theology that sanctifies suffering rather than resists it fails the test of the Cross.


Imported Theology and the Response of Ambassador Huckabee

The response issued by Mike Huckabee reflects not the apostolic tradition, but a modern American evangelical framework shaped by twentieth-century dispensationalism. Christian Zionism did not arise from the early Church, the ecumenical councils, or the sacramental tradition. It emerged from Anglo-American Protestant movements historically detached from Catholic and Orthodox theology.⁶

The contrast could not be clearer. On one side stand Churches indigenous to the Holy Land, continuous since Pentecost, speaking from lived suffering and ecclesial memory. On the other stands a theology developed in modern America and projected outward through political and diplomatic power.

As a Catholic, I cannot treat these as equal theological authorities.


Conclusion: Apostolic Fidelity Over Ideology

The Apostolic Churches conclude their letter with an appeal that resonates deeply with my Catholic faith:

“We call upon Christians everywhere to stand for justice, peace, and the dignity of all people who live in the Holy Land.”¹

To stand with these Churches is to stand with the Church that Christ founded. It is to trust apostolic continuity over ideological certainty, and lived witness over abstract prophecy.

I reject Christian Zionism not because I reject Scripture, but because I receive it through the Church. I reject it not because I deny Israel’s right to security, but because no security can be built on the denial of another people’s dignity.

In listening to the Churches of Jerusalem, I choose fidelity to Christ over allegiance to power.


Sample Footnotes (Chicago Style)

  1. Apostolic Churches of the Holy Land, “A Call for Justice and Peace”, recent joint statement on Christian Zionism.

  2. Irenaeus of Lyons, Against Heresies, IV.20.

  3. Origen, On First Principles, II.11.

  4. Augustine, The City of God, XVII.3.

  5. Cyril of Jerusalem, Catechetical Lectures, XV.

  6. Donald M. Lewis, The Origins of Christian Zionism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010).

History of the Papacy

 


The History and Evolution of the Papacy: Apostolic Succession, Authority, and Controversies

Y.1 Introduction: Why the Papacy Matters for Christian Origins Debates

The bishop of Rome (the “pope”) stands at the center of many modern disputes about early Christianity: whether the Church possessed apostolic continuity, whether Rome’s authority was ancient or late, and whether Catholicism represents organic development or an alleged “corruption.” This chapter treats the papacy as both (1) a historical institution that evolved across changing political worlds and (2) a theological office interpreted through Catholic ecclesiology.

A key principle governs the analysis: development is not identical to invention. Institutions can grow in juridical articulation and administrative reach while remaining continuous in sacramental office, teaching responsibility, and communion structures.

This chapter also examines three foundational questions often overlooked in popular debate: how the title pope itself developed, how Scripture and early tradition were interpreted to ground papal teaching authority, and how the Roman episcopate transitioned from predominantly Jewish-Christian leadership to Gentile leadership without rupturing apostolic continuity.


Y.2 Apostolic Roots and the Roman Church’s Early Reputation

Y.2.1 Peter and Paul in Rome: Memory, Cult, and Early Roman Identity

From the earliest Christian centuries, Rome is remembered as linked to the martyrdom of Peter and Paul. That memory becomes embodied in Roman liturgical commemoration, martyr cult, and sacred topography (catacombs, burial traditions, later basilicas). Whatever one concludes about the precise archaeology of Peter’s tomb, Rome’s Christian community understood itself as “apostolic” in a dual Petrine–Pauline sense.

Y.2.2 Succession Lists: History, Polemic, and Public Identity

By the late second century, succession lists of Roman bishops are transmitted by figures such as Irenaeus and later Eusebius. These lists are not merely antiquarian: they function as public identity markers in controversy, especially against movements claiming secret revelation. Succession lists therefore operate in two registers at once:

  1. Historical memory of leadership continuity, and

  2. Ecclesiological argument: public continuity of office correlates with continuity of apostolic teaching.


Y.3 The Origin and Meaning of the Title “Pope” (Papa)

Y.3.1 Linguistic Origins of the Term

The English word pope derives from the Latin papa, itself originating from the Greek πάππας (pappas), an affectionate familial term meaning “father.” In the early centuries, papa was used broadly as a title of respect for bishops and senior clergy, especially in the eastern Mediterranean. Over time, however, its usage became increasingly associated with the bishop of Rome in the Latin West.

By the late antiquity and early medieval period, papa had become a technical and exclusive title for the Roman pontiff in Western Christendom, reflecting Rome’s unique episcopal role rather than inventing a new office.

Y.3.2 Early Usage in Christian Sources

Early Christian writers do not initially treat papa as a juridical title. Instead, it reflects the Church’s self-understanding of bishops as spiritual fathers. The eventual restriction of the title to the bishop of Rome parallels the increasing clarity of Roman primacy and pastoral oversight.

Key point: the title pope developed organically from Christian familial language and episcopal fatherhood, not from imperial decree or medieval fabrication.


Y.4 Scriptural and Traditional Foundations for Papal Teaching Authority

Y.4.1 Petrine Texts in the New Testament

Catholic tradition grounds papal authority primarily in Petrine passages interpreted collectively rather than in isolation:

  • Matthew 16:18–19 (Peter as rock and bearer of the keys)

  • Luke 22:31–32 (Peter tasked with strengthening his brethren)

  • John 21:15–17 (Peter commissioned to shepherd Christ’s flock)

Early Christian exegesis increasingly read these passages not merely as personal commendations, but as establishing a pastoral responsibility that could be transmitted within the Church.

Y.4.2 Patristic Interpretation of Petrine Authority

Church Fathers such as Cyprian, Augustine, and Leo the Great interpret Petrine authority as a principle of unity within the episcopate. While they differ in emphasis, they share a conviction that Peter represents a focal point for ecclesial communion rather than an isolated monarch.

Y.4.3 Teaching Authority vs. Personal Holiness

Early tradition distinguishes the office from the moral perfection of its holder. Apostolic authority is preserved through ordination and succession, not through personal sanctity alone—a distinction that later becomes crucial in debates about papal fallibility and historical failures.


Y.5 From Jewish-Christian to Gentile Bishops of Rome

Y.5.1 The Earliest Roman Bishops and Jewish-Christian Origins

The earliest Christian community in Rome emerged within the Jewish diaspora. Early Roman leaders—traditionally including figures such as Peter, Linus, and Clement—operated within a Jewish-Christian theological world that understood Jesus as Israel’s Messiah and interpreted Scripture through Second Temple Judaism.

Y.5.2 Did Early (Jewish-Rooted) Roman Leadership Teach New-Covenant Fulfillment of the Mosaic Law?

A careful historical answer must distinguish what we can document from what we cannot.

  1. What we cannot prove directly: we possess no surviving doctrinal treatise from the earliest Roman bishops (Linus, Anacletus/Cletus) explicitly outlining their view of Torah observance. Even Clement’s surviving letter (1 Clement) is largely pastoral and does not set out a systematic theology of the Mosaic law.

  2. What we can document early, including from Jewish apostles and Jewish-Christian leadership: the core theological claim that Gentiles were not obligated to adopt the Mosaic law (especially circumcision) as a condition of salvation or full membership is already present in the first generation of the Church. The Jerusalem council (Acts 15)—led by apostles and elders who were themselves Jews—rejects the demand that Gentile believers must be circumcised and “required to obey the Law of Moses.” (enterthebible.org) This is crucial for your question: the earliest anti-Judaizing decision is not a “Gentile takeover” doctrine; it is articulated within apostolic-era Jewish-Christian leadership.

Likewise, Paul’s epistles—written by a Jewish apostle—argue that Gentile incorporation into Christ does not require taking on the Mosaic covenant as a binding legal system, even while the Old Testament remains authoritative as Scripture read through Christ. (Romans is especially relevant because it addresses the Roman church’s mixed Jewish–Gentile composition.)

  1. What early second-century evidence suggests about the mainstream catholic trajectory: by the early 2nd century, Ignatius explicitly warns against continuing to live “according to the Jewish law,” framing such “Judaizing” as incompatible with receiving grace—evidence that the emerging “catholic” self-definition included a strong insistence that Christian identity is not constituted by Torah observance. (newadvent.org) In roughly the same period, the Epistle of Barnabas offers an even more aggressive interpretation: circumcision is “abolished,” and the Mosaic prescriptions are read as spiritual types fulfilled in Christ rather than as a continuing covenantal legal obligation. (newadvent.org)

Synthesis: the notion that the New Covenant fulfills (and in key respects supersedes) the Mosaic covenant is not a late Gentile innovation; it is visible already in apostolic-era Jewish-Christian decision-making (Acts 15) and is intensified in early second-century catholic identity formation (Ignatius, Barnabas).

Y.5.3 How Nazarenes Fit (and Why This Does Not Prove a ‘Gentile Invention’)

Later patristic reports describe Jewish-Christian groups sometimes called Nazarenes as maintaining Mosaic observance for Jewish believers while not necessarily imposing it on Gentiles. This illustrates diversity of practice among Jewish Christians, but it does not imply that “New Covenant fulfillment” theology was invented only after Gentile leadership. Rather, it reflects the early Church’s transitional complexity: Jewish believers negotiating inherited covenantal customs while the Church defined a universal identity for Jew and Gentile together.

Y.5.4 The Gradual Demographic Shift

By the late first and second centuries, Roman Christianity underwent a demographic transformation driven by: the destruction of Jerusalem (70 CE), expulsions and social pressures affecting Roman Jews, and the accelerating influx of Gentile converts throughout the empire. As a result, Gentile Christians became the majority in Rome, and episcopal leadership gradually reflected this reality.

Y.5.5 Continuity Amid Transition

This transition did not represent a theological rupture. Gentile bishops inherited a Church already shaped by Jewish Scripture, apostolic teaching, sacramental practice, and the apostolic-era settlement of the Torah question for Gentiles. Cultural change is not identical to doctrinal discontinuity; in Catholic ecclesiology, apostolic continuity is preserved through ordination, public teaching, and communion.


Y.6 Apostolic Succession Revisited: Continuity Through Cultural Change (and What It Does Not Mean)**

Y.3.1 The Classical Catholic Definition (Historical-Theological)

Apostolic succession is not a mere “list of names.” In the earliest sources, it is the continuity of:

  • Ordination and ministry (episcopal/presbyteral service rooted in apostolic mission)

  • Public teaching (the “rule of faith” in continuity with apostolic witness)

  • Sacramental communion (who is recognized as part of the Church’s Eucharistic fellowship)

Y.3.2 Primary-Source Anchors (Cross-Referenced to Appendix F)

Your Appendix F already includes key texts—Clement, Ignatius, Irenaeus, Cyprian, Augustine—with original language and translation. Together they show that early Christians argued for continuity through office + communion + teaching, not through private inspiration alone.


Y.4 Early Papal Authority in Action: Pope Victor I (c. 189–199)

Victor I is among the earliest popes whose actions clearly show Rome attempting to coordinate discipline beyond Italy. In the Quartodeciman controversy (Easter dating), Victor’s threatened excommunications reveal an early Roman claim to enforce unity of practice. The backlash—especially the moderating voice of Irenaeus—also demonstrates that early catholic governance was not “Rome alone,” but a primatial role exercised within a wider episcopal collegiality.

Interpretive point: Victor illustrates both realities simultaneously:

  • Roman bishops already acted with supra-local authority.

  • Other bishops believed they could admonish Rome on prudence and charity.


Y.5 The Petrine Argument: Why Rome’s Bishop Could Claim Primacy

Across late antiquity, arguments for Roman primacy typically combine:

  1. Petrine theology (Matthew 16 / Luke 22 / John 21 interpreted as Petrine leadership),

  2. Apostolic succession (public continuity of office),

  3. Rome’s prestige and network centrality (imperial capital, major pilgrimage/martyr shrine), and

  4. Practical arbitration (appeals and dispute-resolution).

The cumulative case is not one single “smoking gun” text but a converging dossier of Scripture, patristic exegesis, conciliar practice, and Roman administrative habit.


Y.6 Pope Leo I (Leo the Great, 440–461): Doctrinal Arbitration and Petrine Primacy

Leo is pivotal because he articulates primacy in a mature theological idiom and exercises it through doctrinal intervention. His Tome became central at Chalcedon (451), and Leo’s letters frame the Roman see as a continuing bearer of Petrine responsibility.

Y.6.1 What Changes with Leo

With Leo, the papacy’s “primacy” is not only honorary or diplomatic; it becomes more clearly a doctrinal and jurisdictional principle:

  • Rome is a court of appeal in disputes.

  • Rome is a doctrinal touchstone in crises.

Y.6.2 What Does Not Change

Leo’s primacy still operates within a conciliar world. Councils remain decisive arenas for doctrinal definition, even as Rome’s role becomes increasingly influential.


Y.7 Pope Gregory I (Gregory the Great, 590–604): Pastoral Papacy, Mission, and the Limits of Titles

Gregory’s papacy demonstrates the papal office as a pastoral and missionary instrument: administration, charity, reform, and evangelization (notably the English mission).

Y.7.1 ‘Servant of the Servants of God’

Gregory’s use of servus servorum Dei signals a theological self-understanding: primacy is ordered to service.

Y.7.2 Gregory and the “Universal Bishop” Dispute

Gregory famously objects to the title “universal bishop” as applied in a way that would diminish the dignity of other bishops. This is frequently misused in polemics. Historically, Gregory’s objection is best read as opposing a particular ecclesiological framing (one bishop as if he alone were truly bishop) while he simultaneously exercises a robust primatial governance role.


Y.8 How Papal Supremacy Developed: A Periodized Account

To avoid anachronism, it helps to distinguish phases:

Y.8.1 Late 1st–3rd Centuries: Primacy as Arbitration and Communion

  • Rome intervenes in disputes and becomes a reference-point for unity.

  • The language is often moral, pastoral, and doctrinal rather than juridical.

Y.8.2 4th–5th Centuries: Conciliar Christianity and Roman Appellate Logic

  • Councils presuppose provinces and metropolitans.

  • Appeals to Rome become more formalized in some contexts.

  • Papal letters become major vehicles for doctrinal clarification.

Y.8.3 6th–9th Centuries: Post-Imperial West and the Papacy as Stabilizer

  • With imperial decline in the West, popes increasingly mediate civil crises.

  • Administrative structures and papal patrimonies expand.

Y.8.4 11th–13th Centuries: Canon Law, Reform, and Juridical Centralization

  • The papacy’s legal articulation becomes highly systematized.

  • Claims of plenitudo potestatis emerge in a mature canonical environment.

Key scholarly point: The medieval “supremacy” form is a later juridical consolidation built upon earlier primatial realities.


Y.9 Did Any Popes Teach Heresy? (A Careful, Scholarly Answer)

This question requires distinctions.

Y.9.1 Personal Error vs. Binding Definition

Popes, like other bishops, can:

  • express theologically imprecise opinions,

  • act prudentially badly,

  • fail to correct error decisively,

  • or even be condemned posthumously for negligence.

But Catholic doctrine later distinguishes these from irreformable ex cathedra definitions.

Y.9.2 The Hard Case: Honorius I (7th Century)

Honorius is regularly cited because later conciliar reception condemned him in connection with Monothelitism debates. The main scholarly dispute is not whether Honorius is implicated—he is—but what kind of fault he bears: formal teaching of heresy, or culpable negligence / ambiguous correspondence that aided error. In a monograph, the responsible presentation is:

  • Honorius is historically a real problem case.

  • The strongest Catholic reading argues he did not define heresy as binding dogma, but failed gravely in governance and clarity.

Y.9.3 Other Frequently Cited Cases (Brief Orientation)

  • Liberius (4th c.): contested signatures amid Arian controversies; source transmission is complex.

  • John XXII (14th c.): disputed preaching on the beatific vision, later corrected; illustrates papal fallibility outside solemn definition.

Conclusion: Popes can err; Catholic theology argues that the Church is protected from binding the faithful to heresy through definitive papal teaching.


Y.10 Was Apostolic Succession Ever Broken?

Historically, there is no evidence that apostolic succession ceased as a sacramental reality.

Y.10.1 Schisms vs. Broken Succession

Schisms produce rival claimants and contested legitimacy, but they do not typically annihilate ordination lines. The Church’s problem in schism is: which claimant is legitimate, not whether the episcopate itself vanished.

Y.10.2 The Western Schism (14th–15th c.) as a Stress Test

The Western Schism generated multiple obediences and rival papal claimants, but succession is not “broken” in a sacramental sense; rather, legitimacy is adjudicated and communion restored.


Y.11 Was There a ‘Great Apostasy’?

The “Great Apostasy” claim (as a universal collapse of the Church into non-Christian corruption) faces a basic historical difficulty: the record shows continuous Christian worship, episcopal office, councils, creeds, catechesis, martyr cults, monastic movements, and doctrinal controversy across centuries. What one finds is not disappearance-and-replacement, but:

  • reform movements,

  • local corruptions and renewals,

  • doctrinal clarification through controversy,

  • and institutional development.

From a Catholic theological perspective, this continuity is precisely what one would expect if the Church is a visible communion that endures through human weakness.


Y.12 Did Constantine ‘Create’ the Modern Catholic Church?

Constantine’s patronage transformed Christianity’s public status and architecture, but it did not invent core Christian realities already visible before him:

  • bishops and regional governance,

  • Eucharistic worship,

  • baptismal discipline,

  • martyr veneration,

  • and doctrinal controversy.

Y.12.1 What Constantine Actually Changes

  • legalization and imperial favor,

  • public basilicas and monumental sacred space,

  • imperial involvement in convening councils.

Y.12.2 What Constantine Does Not Create

  • the episcopate,

  • apostolic succession,

  • the sacramental system,

  • the Church’s basic rule of faith.


Y.13 The Avignon Papacy: Does Leaving Rome Sever the Petrine Connection?

The Avignon papacy (1309–1377) is often framed polemically as a break from “Rome,” but historically it is a relocation of the papal court, not a loss of office.

Y.13.1 Office vs. Residence

A bishop can be absent from his see for political or practical reasons without ceasing to be its bishop. The pope’s identity as bishop of Rome is tied to the office, not uninterrupted physical residence.

Y.13.2 Why Rome Still Matters

Even if apostolic succession is not geographically broken by absence, Rome’s symbolic and liturgical centrality remains powerful: it is the city of apostolic martyr memory and the papal cathedral (Lateran). Avignon damaged reputation and fueled later crises, but it did not “end” apostolic succession.


Y.14 Teaching-Track FAQ: Quick Answers for Students (and for Myth-Busting)

  • Did popes ever sin or govern badly? Yes—often. That does not equal doctrinal apostasy.

  • Did a pope ever define heresy as binding dogma? Catholic theology says no; historical disputes focus on non-definitive acts.

  • Was apostolic succession ever broken? No evidence for a global sacramental rupture; schisms contest legitimacy, not existence.

  • Was there a Great Apostasy? Not in the historical sense of disappearance-and-replacement; rather, continuity with reform and development.

  • Did Constantine invent Catholicism? No—he changed Christianity’s legal and public conditions, not its apostolic foundations.

  • Did Avignon end the papacy’s Petrine connection? No—relocation is a governance crisis, not sacramental extinction.


Y.15 Conclusion: Continuity, Development, and Catholic Ecclesiology

The papacy evolved from early Roman episcopal leadership into a central institution of Western Christianity. Victor demonstrates early disciplinary reach; Leo articulates Petrine doctrinal authority; Gregory models pastoral primacy amid mission and administration. Across centuries, papal authority becomes more juridically articulated, yet the core claim of Catholic ecclesiology remains consistent: apostolic succession is preserved through episcopal office, sacramental ordination, public teaching, and ecclesial communion.


Appendix I: Papal Timeline (Selected Milestones for the Monograph)

PeriodMilestoneSignificance
1st–2nd c.Clement; early Roman arbitrationEarly evidence of ordered ministry and Roman intervention
Late 2nd c.Victor and Easter controversyEarly supra-local disciplinary assertion
4th–5th c.Appeals, councils, LeoRoman doctrinal arbitration intensifies
6th–7th c.Gregory; missionary papacyPastoral universalism and mission administration
11th–13th c.Canon law consolidationJuridical centralization
1309–1377AvignonCourt relocation; legitimacy tested
1378–1417Western SchismRival claimants; communion restored

Appendix J: 

  • Leo I, Epistulae (selected letters on Petrine authority)

  • Gregory I, Registrum Epistolarum (mission, governance, ecclesiology)

  • Conciliar canons: Sardica, Chalcedon, Constantinople III (for Honorius dossier)

  • Medieval critical sources: key documents from the Avignon period and the Western Schism (for historical method)